14 thoughts on “Israeli apartheid in Lod (original Palestinian name Lydd)”

  1. I found the descriptions in the news report confusing. What does Palestinian citizens of Israel mean? Are these people Israeli citizens? If they are and they are being discriminated against because of their race then this is a disgrace and illegal. Was the neighborhood shown exclusively an Arab neighborhood? I saw no evidence of this. It looked very similar to impoverished Israeli neighborhoods up and down the country undistinguished by the ethnicity of its inhabitants.

    I would like to have heard some more evidence that this is a race issue and not a poverty issue.

      1. I’m sorry I don’t understand the question.

        I was saying that without comment from the Lod municipality there was no evidence that this slum has been created by institutionalized racism. I saw a poverty-stricken neighborhood which may or may not have been inhabited by an Arab majority. Either way it looks similar to poverty-stricken neighborhoods across Israel.

        Sadly, poverty is entirely democratic, affecting Israeli Jews and Muslims alike.

        1. Palestinian citizens? :
          “I was saying that without comment from the Lod municipality there was no evidence that this slum has been created by institutionalized racism.”

          0:28 :
          “She wants a proper home, but the Israeli municipality won’t give her a permit to build and is taking down illegal structures”

          You should maybe listen more carefully.

          You see, it’s a “catch-22”. No permits, no building. But, since every family needs a home, many simply build one anyway what the hell else are they going to do? But since no permit was issued for the construction, it is “illegal”. Simple, but effective.

        2. “I was saying that without comment from the Lod municipality there was no evidence…”
          – Sorry for posting twice (should think more before writing), but it is also curious that you seem to take a statement from the Lod/Lydd municipality as some kind of “evidence”. As if them simply saying that is not institutionalized racism is somehow proof enough…

        3. Since you have a sudden case of mutism, let me drive the last nail into the coffin of this argument, even after the fact, because this makes me angry.

          I wrote :
          “But, since every family needs a home, many simply build one anyway what the hell else are they going to do?”
          – I now realize that the correct response is :
          “Just leave”. “Go away”. “Disappear”.

          Thanks for playing.

  2. A glimpse of the reality of the so called “The only democratic country in the Middle East” not. Racism, apartheid to say the least. Democratic for the “Chosen people” only not the citizens.

    1. The flip side of this video is that my local mall is visited by Israelis of all creeds and colors. We shop together, snack together and watch movies together without anyone batting an eyelid. It’s not a perfect country, but it’s not apartheid, either.

      1. Yes it is institutionalised racism and not merely a poverty issue. And “apartheid” is too kind a description for the hafrada regime which systematically excludes, discriminates against and appropriates from those Palestinians who happen to be citizens of Israel because their immediate forebears were amongst those not driven out like hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were by the zionist thugs who sought to establish the rogue regime we now know as Israel.

  3. In Upper Nazareth
    by Ilan Pappe

    London Review of Books
    10 September 2009

    Officially, no Palestinians live in the ‘Jewish’ city of Upper Nazareth. The city’s elegant website appears only in Hebrew and in Russian. When I was there recently, I called a spokesperson to ask about numbers but he wouldn’t give me a straight answer. ‘I am standing in front of a house with “There is no power but in God” written in Quranic Arabic over the door,’ I said. ‘And I know there are two Palestinians on your city council.’ ‘We still do not have enough information about the numbers,’ was the reply.

    In fact, according to the Arab Association for Human Rights, 20 per cent of the city’s population are Palestinians. Most of them moved from the crowded city of old Nazareth at the bottom of the hill and from the villages surrounding it. Some of them had to pay as much as £500,000 for a house, three times the market value. The people selling up are Russian immigrants gravitating towards Tel Aviv. There are no Palestinian schools or kindergartens, so the roads between Nazareth and Upper Nazareth are overcrowded in rush hour. But the non-existent 20 per cent are represented on the council and, Israel being Israel, the two Palestinian councillors are in a weird coalition with the ultra-right-wing party of Avigdor Liberman. The mayor needed their support in order to defeat the Labour Party. They demanded, and received, a promise that an Arab school would be built in Upper Nazareth. The mayor is nonetheless committed to the ‘Judaisation’—i.e. the de-Arabisation—of his city, and Liberman declared in August that stopping the immigration of Arabs into Nazareth, as he calls it, is a national priority.

    The city was built in the 1950s. David Ben-Gurion was outraged by the presence of so many Arabs in the Galilee when he toured the region in 1953, a few days before he retired for a year and half from his premiership. He appointed the director general of the Ministry of Defence, Shimon Peres, to ‘Judaise’ the Galilee using emergency regulations that allowed the army to confiscate land from the Palestinians. Upper Nazareth opened in 1957, and senior army officers were billeted there.

    The area covered by Upper Nazareth has quadrupled since its creation. Each expansion was on land expropriated from Arabs. Its 50,000 inhabitants live in a dynamic urban space that keeps expanding and developing. The 70,000 Palestinians of old Nazareth live in a city half the size that is not allowed to expand by a single square metre; indeed, one of its western hilltops was recently requisitioned for Upper Nazareth.

    The villages around Nazareth were first targeted by Yitzhak Rabin’s 1976 plan of Judaisation, Yehud Ha-Galil. In greater Nazareth the main tactic was to disrupt the natural geographical continuity between Palestinian villages by driving Jewish wedges between them. The Jews came, but the Palestinians did not leave, so a second wave of Judaisation began in 2001, under Peres and Ariel Sharon. This wasn’t very successful either; Jews preferred to live in Tel Aviv.

    The present attempt is motivated by the failure of the previous policies to make the Galilee in general, and Nazareth in particular, Jewish. People and economies move in mysterious ways: well-off Palestinians began buying houses in the citadel that was built to evict them. Benjamin Netanyahu regards this as a grave threat to Israel’s national security. Local politicians are even blunter. ‘If we lose the Jewish majority in the Galilee this is the end of the Jewish state,’ Motti Dotan, a member of the Labour Party, said recently. ‘I would like to imagine a Galilee without Arabs: no thefts, no crimes . . . we will have normal life.’ The racist mood in Israel absolves the government from any inhibitions that may have restricted its actions in the past.

    Now ecologists, industrialists and academics have been drafted in. The Jewish National Fund is behind the initiative, along with the Society for the Protection of Nature in Israel. The aim of diminishing the Palestinian presence in the Galilee is also fully endorsed by the prestigious union of Israeli wine producers, which has adopted a plan prepared by leading academics from the Israel Institute of Technology. Published in 2003, the plan calls for the Jewish ‘takeover’ of the Galilee. ‘It is either them or us,’ it begins. ‘The land problems in the Galilee proved that any territory not taken by Zionist elements is going to be coveted by non-Zionists.’

    The gist of what they propose is to seize strategically important land by force and hold onto it until Jews settle on it. The director general of AMPA, an electrical manufacturer, recently said that his company now not only makes refrigerators but is also actively supporting the ‘Judaisation of the Galilee’ by building new communities in the area for AMPA’s veterans. ‘We are not ashamed to say that our plans have a Zionist element.’

    The Palestinian village of Ayn Mahil, east of Nazareth and adjacent to Upper Nazareth, is now accessible only by one road, and it goes through a Jewish religious neighbourhood in Upper Nazareth: on the Day of Atonement, the people of Ayn Mahil cannot leave or enter their village. They will soon be encircled by a new town called Shacharit (which means ‘dawn’ in Hebrew but is also the name of the first Jewish prayer of the day). Ten thousand ultra-Orthodox Jews will be settled there and the hope is that they will rectify the ‘unfavourable’ demographic balance, as well as cut Ayn Mahil off from the greater Nazareth area. The village’s ancient olive groves have been uprooted in preparation for the building work. A new road network will ensure that other villages are separated from each other and from Nazareth.

    Under emergency powers granted to him as minister of national infrastructure in the 1990s, Sharon ordered the building of a new heavy industrial site, Ziporit, on land expropriated from the Palestinians and close to several villages. Ziporit includes a glass factory and an aluminium works; according to international law, neither can be built near where people live. The closest of the villages is Mashad:since the opening of the site the number of deaths from cancer there has risen by 40 per cent.

    Ilan Pappe is chair of the department of history at the University of Exeter and the author of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine.


    1. Thank you for this excerpt from Ilan Pappe. It is further proof if any is needed of Israel’s deliberate crimes against humanity in it’s goal of a Greater Israel.The suffering inflicted by Israel is incomprehensible to most of us, and our governments should be writhing in shame.

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